…I recall a particular episode when we were going to
Saudi Arabia for the Third OPEC Summit, in November 2007. Before we left for
the airport, someone had given me copy of a publication by a foreign website
dedicated to oil and gas reporting. The publication detailed how oil lifting
licences were given out by President Yar’Adua in a manner that lacked
transparency. In the course of the flight, I scribbled a handwritten note,
attached the document to it and went to hand it to him in his cabin.
Not long after, the president called me back and
confirmed that all the information contained in the publication was accurate.
It was at a time the president was holding on to the Energy Ministry portfolio.
He said whenever we reached Saudi Arabia, I should meet the Minister for State
for Energy, Mr Odein Ajumogobia and give him the document to read in my
presence and let him know that I was acting on his instruction. He said I
should listen to his comments and report back to him. He added that I should do
the same to the GMD of NNPC, Eng. Abubakar Yar’Adua (not a relation of the
president).
When we got to Riyadh, I acted as the president directed.
I met the GMD first and he blamed everything on Ajumogobia and the president.
When I later met Ajumogobia, he explained that he was powerless and that the
GMD of NNPC had no regard for him since he was reporting directly to the
president. He also agreed the report was accurate but that the said allocations
were done between the president and the GMD.
I reported my “findings” back to the president who took time to explain his own
role as well as the promoters of some of the “briefcase companies” on the list.
They were prominent people in the society, including those who had held senior
positions in government in the past. The president also debunked the charges by
both Ajumogobia and the GMD by explaining the role each played in the matter.
What was, however, not in doubt, even from the president’s explanation was that
the GMD was indeed bypassing Ajumogobia because he had direct access to the
president. This to me was not right. With my background in the Nigerian
Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI), a governing body to
which I had been appointed by President Obasanjo in 2004, I was able to offer
candid advice which the president promised to heed. When we returned, he indeed
directed the GMD to be reporting directly to Ajumogobia but not long after, (Dr
Rilwan) Lukman took charge of affairs in the ministry and the equation changed…
=============================================
=============================================
In view of the controversy generated by a recent letter
to President Muhammadu Buhari by the Minister of State for Petroleum, Dr Ibe
Kachikwu, the foregoing excerpts from my book, ‘Power, Politics and Death’ is
instructive. It is also a clear indication that the power struggle between
Kachikwu and the GMD of NNPC, Dr Maikanti Baru is not new. Except you are
Diezani Alison-Madueke, (the first, and to date only, sole administrator ever
to superintend Nigeria’s oil and gas sector), it is difficult to compel the GMD
of NNPC (who has enormous powers of patronage) to report to anybody other than
the president.
Thanks to Mrs Oby Ezekwesili who nominated me as
representative of the media and President Obasanjo who, to my surprise,
approved the appointment, the best education I had going to my job as spokesman
to the president in 2007 was my almost four-year experience as a member of the
founding NEITI National Stakeholder Working Group. It is also for that reason
that I am not carried away by Kachikwu’s allegations or the self-indicting
rebuttal by Baru. When it comes to our petroleum sector where the more you look
the less you see, I prefer to keep my own counsel.
However, to the extent that serious questions that border
on transparency and accountability have been raised by Kachikwu, I hope the
president will not treat the matter with deodorant as he did with the report on
the ‘grass-cutter’. What the scandal suggests is that for an administration
that claims to be fighting corruption, there is no preventive mechanism in
place to enthrone any systemic change. In fact, it would seem that this
administration has a narrow concept of corruption which is why so much energy
is being expended on the retail side while the greater corruption–lack of adherence
to the rule of law and due process–which, stripped of all pretensions, is what
this scandal is all about, is largely ignored.
If he can wriggle out of the constitutional implications
of signing approvals at a period he had ceded powers to his vice president, as
it is now being alleged, I hope President Buhari will use this opportunity to
identify and fix the gaps that have been exploited in NNPC and perhaps all such
other entities. And there is no better way to do that than to order an
independent review of all the contracts awarded by the corporation from June
2015 to date. I limit the scope to his period in office so it doesn’t become
another weapon to which-hunt his immediate predecessor.
Meanwhile, even though this scandal may not be about any
stolen money, I am almost certain that if it were under President Goodluck
Jonathan, the APC propaganda machine would by now be on overdrive in telling
Nigerians about “how the billions of dollars were shared and who got what”.
That is why I am disappointed that nobody in the opposition is making life
difficult for those who are notorious for spinning any and every untruth to
score cheap political points.
Now, I am sure there will be some claims to a competitive
bidding process in the awards of the oil contracts. Yes, it is true that the
NNPC invites some stakeholders to witness such contracts bid openings. But as
the Yoruba people would say, it takes no magic to put a lump of meat in the
mouth and make it disappear. The bottomline is that the NNPC is, and has always
been, opaque in its dealings because it has so many things to hide for the
federal government, especially regarding the management of the federation
account that statutorily belongs to the three tiers of government.
In all the foregoing, what saddens is that the NEITI has
provisions that should have helped in detecting some of the breaches being
alleged at the NNPC. The question for this administration therefore is: Does
the President know and care about the instrument he has in NEITI?
I believe the president should use this crisis to remove
the incentive for corruption in the national oil company and clean up the
sector by investing in systems that pass the smell test. The passage of the key
components of the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) is key in that direction even
as I also enjoin President Buhari to inaugurate the Procurement Council as
required in the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) Act so that the Federal
Executive Council (FEC) can stop awarding contracts. Incidentally, this is one
of the many promises in the All Progressives Congress (APC) campaign document.
All said, the only way President Buhari can redeem his
vanishing credibility is to launch a bold deregulation agenda for the petroleum
sector and as a first move, he should immediately relinquish the position of
Minister of Petroleum and withdraw his Chief of Staff from the NNPC Board. It
was, and still remains, a needless decision that runs counter to the
enthronement of good corporate governance in such a critical sector.
Original piece by thisdaylive.com
No comments: