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Atiku Abubakar: Timeline of a serial defector

A former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, on Friday announced his withdrawal from the governing All Progressives Congress, APC.
In Friday’s announcement, Mr. Abubakar said he was still pondering his next political move. But if he ends up returning to the major opposition Peoples Democratic Party as he is widely expected to do, it will be the third time that Mr. Abubakar will be returning to the party after defecting to other parties.
He was a founding member of the PDP in 1998.
1999-2006.
Mr. Abubakar was elected governor of his home state, Adamawa, in 1999 on the PDP ticket.
Before he could be sworn in as governor, he was picked as running mate by Olusegun Obasanjo who secured the PDP presidential ticket. The ticket proceeded to win the presidency, with Mr. Abubakar becoming Vice President from May 29, 1999 and for a second term in 2003.
2006-2009.
Before the end of their second term, however, Mr. Abubakar left the PDP for the first time in 2006 and joined Action Congress, AC, after years of internal battle with Mr. Obasanjo.
The influence of Mr. Atiku in the PDP was systematically eroded through fresh membership registration that saw most of his supporters pushed out of the party, all in a bid by Mr. Obasanjo to ensure that he was not nominated as his successor.
Mr. Abubakar thus defected to pick the AC ticket to run for president in the 2007 election.
He was in AC from 2006 to 2009. Following disagreements with one of the leaders of the AC and former governor of Lagos State, Bola Tinubu, the former vice president dumped the AC and returned to the PDP in 2009.
2009-2013
Mr. Abubakar ran for the PDP presidential ticket in the 2011 election and lost to incumbent Goodluck Jonathan.
Following the success of the PDP in 2011 and the appointment of Bamanga Tukur as the national chairman of the PDP, the party was engulfed in a serious crisis.
Mr. Abubakar alongside seven governors eventually staged a walk out of a PDP national convention in August 2013, accusing the leadership of the party and then President Jonathan of impunity.
They eventually formed the ‘new PDP.’
2013-2017
After efforts to reconcile with the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP failed and their push to stop Mr. Jonathan from running for election also failed, Mr. Abubakar and five of the governors and others announced in November 2013 defected to the APC.
Mr. Abubakar and a former Kano State governor who was also in the ‘new PDP’, Rabiu Kwankwaso, ran for APC presidential ticket and lost to Muhammadu Buhari who eventually won the 2015 election.
Mr. Abubakar remained in the APC but has been consistently absent in many of the party’s activities at the national level.
The former vice president had complained that Mr. Buhari and the party had been side-lining him.
November 2017-???
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Mr. Abubakar eventually defected from the APC on Thursday, November 24. Reports suggest that he has done so because he has received commitment of the PDP to give him its platform to again run for president in 2019.
The former vice president has, however, not formally declared for the PDP, nor has he declared he would run for the 2019 presidency although he is expected to do both.
Whether he will remain in PDP or his new party for long remains to be seen, given that he had announced on September 2014 that “As for me, as far as I am concerned, APC is my last bus stop.”


Source: Premium Times

BREAKING: Atiku Dumps APC

Former Vice-President Atiku has defected from the All Progressives Congress (APC), Says the Ruling Has Failed The Youth
He announced his decision in a statement he issued on Friday morning.

Read the statement of resignation below:
Statement of resignation of His Excellency Atiku Abubakar (Waziri Adamawa) Vice President of Nigeria, 1999-2007 from the All Progressives Congress
On the 19th of December, 2013, I received members of the All Progressives Congress at my house in Abuja. They had come to appeal to me to join their party after my party, the Peoples Democratic Party, had become factionalized as a result of the special convention of August 31, 2013.
The fractionalization of the Peoples Democratic Party on August 31, 2013 had left me in a situation where I was, with several other loyal party members, in limbo, not knowing which of the parallel executives of the party was the legitimate leadership.
It was under this cloud that members of the APC made the appeal to me to join their party, with the promise that the injustices and failure to abide by its own constitution which had dogged the then PDP, would not be replicated in the APC and with the assurance that the vision other founding fathers and I had for the PDP could be actualized through the All Progressives Congress.
It was on the basis of this invitation and the assurances made to me that I, being party-less at that time, due to the fractionalization of my party, accepted on February 2, 2014, the hand of fellowship given to me by the All Progressives Congress.
On that day, I said “it is the struggle for democracy and constitutionalism and service to my country and my people that are driving my choice and my decision” to accept the invitation to join the All Progressives Congress.
Like you, I said that because I believed that we had finally seen the beginnings of the rebirth of the new Nigeria of our dreams which would work for all of us, old and young.
However, events of the intervening years have shown that like any other human and like many other Nigerians, I was fallible.
While other parties have purged themselves of the arbitrariness and unconstitutionality that led to fractionalization, the All Progressives Congress has adopted those same practices and even gone beyond them to institute a regime of a draconian clampdown on all forms of democracy within the party and the government it produced.
Only last year, a governor produced by the party wrote a secret memorandum to the president which ended up being leaked. In that memo, he admitted that the All Progressives Congress had “not only failed to manage expectations of a populace that expected overnight ‘change’ but has failed to deliver even mundane matters of governance”.
Of the party itself, that same governor said “Mr. President, Sir Your relationship with the national leadership of the party, both the formal (NWC) and informal (Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Atiku Abubakar, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso), and former Governors of ANPP, PDP (that joined us) and ACN, is perceived by most observers to be at best frosty. Many of them are aggrieved due to what they consider total absence of consultations with them on your part and those you have assigned such duties.”
Since that memorandum was written up until today, nothing has been done to reverse the treatment meted out to those of us invited to join the All Progressives Congress on the strength of a promise that has proven to be false. If anything, those behaviours have actually worsened.
But more importantly, the party we put in place has failed and continues to fail our people, especially our young people. How can we have a federal cabinet without even one single youth.
A party that does not take the youth into account is a dying party. The future belongs to young people.
I admit that I and others who accepted the invitation to join the APC were eager to make positive changes for our country that we fell for a mirage. Can you blame us for wanting to put a speedy end to the sufferings of the masses of our people?
Be that as it may be, after due consultation with my God, my family, my supporters and the Nigerian people whom I meet in all walks of life, I, Atiku Abubakar, Waziri Adamawa, hereby tender my resignation from the All Progressives Congress while I take time to ponder my future.
May God bless you and may God bless Nigeria.
Atiku Abubakar
Waziri Adamawa


I’m leaving shadows for light — Ojukwu Jnr. dumps his father’s party

Emeka Ojukwu jnr, son of Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, founder of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), has decamped to the All Progressives Congress (APC), saying he is leaving the shadows for light.
The younger Ojukwu made his declaration on Wednesday in Awka, at the final campaign rally of Tony Nwoye, candidate of the APC in the Anambra governorship election holding on Saturday.
The rally was attended by President Muhammadu Buhari; John Odigie-Oyegun,  National Chairman of the APC; 12 APC governors and other prominent members of the party
“It is time to leave the shadows for light. Every now and then, they come out with my father’s shadow to confuse the people,” Ojukwu said.
“Mr President, I am proud to stand here today in support of you and in solidarity with the APC and our candidate, Tony Nwoye.”
According to Ojukwu, APGA is a means to an end, not an end itself.
He recalled that his father joined the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in the Second Republic in order to ensure that Igbo people remained in the mainstream of Nigerian politics.
In his response, Oyegun said Nwoye would do a repeat of 2015, when Buhari defeated then incumbent President, Goodluck Jonathan.
He urged the people of the state to vote en masse for the party and Nwoye on Saturday.
The defection of Emeka Ojukwu from APGA to APC may not do much harm to the electoral fortunes of Willie Obiano, the sitting Governor of Anambra State, who is also running for a second term in office.
Unlike his father, the younger Ojukwu has not been a significant figure in Anambra State politics.

Source: icirnigeria

The President and His Party: Are they Finally Awake?, By Jibrin Ibrahim

Buhari, Osinbajo, Oyegun, Saraki at APC NEC meeting
On Tuesday, the National Executive Committee of the All Progressives Congress (APC) met and the fact that they did meet is huge news. It should not have been big news because the body is supposed to meet at least four times every year. However, for reasons that had never been made clear, they had never met to discuss anything since they won the elections two-and-a-half years ago. The ruling party decided that with power in their hands, there was nothing to discuss and so nothing happened. It’s in reality a huge statement about the powerlessness of a Nigerian ruling party that over two in office, most political appointments into boards and parastatals have not been made, party faithful have not been compensated, the competent people with integrity that the party promised Nigerians would be appointed to replace the corrupt officials of the previous administrations were never appointed. The party, which everyone knows was full of angry and frustrated people in dire need of meetings to address their frustrations, could not meet to discuss and do something about their predicament. There cannot be a clearer statement about the powerlessness of this allegedly ruling party.

The APC was, of course, taking its cue from the president who made it very clear from the first day in office that he was not in a hurry to establish his team and govern. Following his inauguration on May 29, 2015, there was an eerie wait for things to happen but then nothing happened for a long time. Well, he did request for approval to appoint 15 special advisers, which he obtained on June 3, 2015, just five days after his inauguration. Two-and-a-half years later, he has succeeded in appointing five out of the fifteen that were approved. Out of the five, he sent three to the vice president and one to the minister for Budget and National Planning. It took President Muhammadu Buhari five months after inauguration to appoint ministers. The heads of most government agencies are yet to be appointed. It appears the president must have been quite serious when he said political appointees were noisemakers and those who do the real work are civil servants.

There seems to have been a change of heart on this because on Tuesday, President Muhammadu Buhari disclosed that he would expand the Federal Executive Council to bring in more supporters at the federal level, with fresh ideas to be injected into the government. At present, President Buhari has 36 ministers, one each from all the states of the federation. The president even publicly regretted that he had not re-constituted the boards of parastatals, as he had promised to do in 2015. He reminded APC leaders at the meeting that he had given instructions since October 2015 for this exercise of making political appointments to start but that there had been inordinate delays through the activities of several committees, in an attempt to get the balance right and make sure that all parts of the country are equitably represented. Two-and-a-half years into a four-year tenure is a long time to decide who to appoint, and the question today is: Why are appointments back on the agenda, if indeed they are? Why did the president promise that this time: “By the Grace of God, these appointments will be announced soon. Especially now that the economy is improving, we will have the resources to cater for the appointees”?

The new dimension on the political terrain is, of course, the maneuvering for the next elections, which has taken off in earnest. What has been surprising is that the president knew all along that he became head of state because of the delicate merger between three parties that allowed him to extend his votes beyond his traditional catchment area. The obvious implication was that he had to maintain this enlarged group and in politics, making appointments is a key instrument for keeping friends happy. Over the past two years, many barons within the party have been engaged in elaborate stratagems to take over from the president, while he, on his part, had refused to play the counter politics of keeping as many barons close to him. The question today is whether he has finally realised that he had been on the path to political suicide. I doubt that we know the answer yet. What we do know is that precisely because he is keen on his legacy, whether or not he is interested in a second term, he needed to play politics to ensure that the ruling party remains faithful to the tendency that would protect his legacy. The fact that he has consciously refused to even appoint a political adviser and to have strong politicians around him suggests he is intransigent about remaining an “apolitical’ politician.

The president appears unconcerned about a political environment in which the Senate president, speaker of the House, the party leader and many other barons of the party are not in his camp. At the same time, most State governors who are extremely powerful on party and electoral matters are also extremely upset at what they consider to be the manner in which he had marginalised them. By refusing to engage with them for so long, the challenge he would now face is that he might have to bend back beyond what he would consider to be reasonable to get them back on his side, so the standoff is likely to continue.

During the party meeting, the president reeled off his achievements in the last two years, which we can assume is the legacy he would like to protect. The list includes success on Boko Haram, Niger Delta issues, regular fuel availability, improved power supply, establishing the treasury single account (TSA), improved agriculture and fertiliser access, and above all, the knowledge that corruption will not be tolerated in government. He proclaimed that: “We all know there is CHANGE.” “Nigeria’s prestige”, he asserted, “has gone up. Nigeria is now credit–worthy, a clear testimony of which was the over-subscription of the Euro-Bond by four times.” For the politicians, however, these are not the real achievements they seek. What matters is for them to be in power and to remain in power. Too many leading members of the ruling party believe they won elections but never got the opportunity to be in power. They are likely to search for alternative routes that will take them to power.

The Constitution places the power of the executive in one person – the president. Nonetheless, the Constitution also requires that ministers, advisers and heads of parastatals are appointed to help the president carry out the huge responsibility of executing government policies. The problem with governance is that if you do not make political appointments, civil servants make all the political decisions, including the most important decision NOT TO MAKE DECISIONS. The slow pace of governance under President Buhari is a direct result of his decision not to make most of the political appointments that are due. It is well known that when civil servants are in control, they do not want to make decisions, so that they do not get noticed or disturbed as they enjoy the perquisites of power, including the most harmful one of looting public funds. When, therefore, the president does not appoint people to govern, those at the head of governmental organisations create forms of governance linked to prolonging their temporary positions. Achieving policy goals of the government cannot be their priority because their logic is that they are there for a short time until the president decides on who should do the job on a full time basis. As tenures of temporary heads extend from weeks into months and years, confusion becomes the name of the game. The temporary heads begin to envisage permanency on the jobs and above all start working towards it. This means investing public funds at their disposal to oil the process of retaining their positions and we all know what that means. Today, the time for the show has begun as the politicians are coming into the field, expressing themselves and acting on what they consider to be the tragedy of winning an election but being kept out of power.

A professor of Political Science and development consultant/expert, Jibrin Ibrahim is a Senior Fellow of the Centre for Democracy and Development, and Chair of the Editorial Board of PREMIUM TIMES.

Source: https: Premium Times




2019 Election: No automatic ticket for Buhari, others - APC

All Progressives Congress has come out with its strongest position yet on the controversy generated by the clamour by some party members for an automatic ticket for President Muhammadu Buhari in 2019.
In separate media interviews in Abuja, on Thursday, APC National Publicity Secretary, Mr Bolaji Abdullahi, and Chairman of the Progressives Governors’ Forum, Mr Rochas Okorocha, said neither the President nor any member of the party would be given an automatic ticket.
Abdullahi, responding to a question on whether President Muhammadu Buhari would be given an automatic ticket to contest the next elections, said the party’s constitution did not have provisions for such.
He noted that as a law-abiding party, APC would abide by its own rules as enshrined in its constitution when dealing with the issue of nominations.
The party spokesman further argued that Buhari had not indicated interest in seeking re-election, stressing that the talks about his second tenure was, at best, “presumptuous.”
“What I can assure you is that APC will abide by its Constitution on such matters and our constitution does not provide for automatic ticket, our constitution does not provide for the right for first refusal. So, our party will abide by the constitution.
“We have looked at what our President has done and as a party we are happy with his achievements; if he comes up today to say he wants to contest, we will support him but to begin to throw things like automatic ticket, right of first refusal, they don’t exist in our constitution.”
Speaking in a similar vein, Okorocha on Thursday said there would be no automatic ticket for President Muhammadu Buhari to seek re-election on the platform of APC.
Okorocha, who is also the governor of Imo State, said all candidates on the party’s platform must emerge through transparent democratic process.
The governor made his position known in an interview with State House correspondents after a meeting he had with Mr Buhari at the Presidential Villa, Abuja.
He said although the President was qualified and healthy enough to seek re-election, due process must be followed.
He said the ruling party would not encourage imposition of candidates.
“The gentleman (the President) is looking much more handsome than even before he went to hospital; he is looking stronger and so, he has every right and qualification to re-contest, there is nothing wrong at all.
“But, we don’t allow imposition of candidate. It must be democratically done.
“If President Buhari will lead the ship in 2019, it must be democratically done, and I said, democratically done, transparently (done) to the amazement of the whole world, the way we do our things in APC and people will be happy.”
The party stalwarts made the statements three days after some governors on the party’s platform had tried to use the platform of the National Executive Council of the party to seek the endorsement of Buhari for a second term. The move, however, failed.
Meanwhile, in order to increase the fortunes of APC in South-East, Okorocha said on Thursday that Buhari would soon visit states in the region to shore up the population of party members.
He disclosed that the President’s trip would start from Ebonyi State.
“The South-East before now was not measuring up to standard in APC but we have worked out strategies and modalities on how to improve relationship between the people of the South-East and APC government.
“That was top on the agenda and the need for Mr. President to come to the South-East as quickly as possible to begin to show his presence. Luckily, the President will be coming to Ebonyi State very soon and he will pass through Imo State to Anambra State.
“So, covering three states within this short time will be the right step in the right direction because we have come to realise in South-East that we are better off in APC than any other party in the Federal Republic of Nigeria,” the governor said.
Punch



APC calls Sagay a 'rogue elephant'

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has described Professor Itse Sagay as a rogue elephant.

Sagay was appointed by President Muhammadu Buhari to chair the Presidential Advisory Committee on Anti-corruption (PACAC).
The Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) has been in the news for accusing Nigerian lawmakers of sucking the country dry of its resources.
In an interview with TheNation, Sagay described the leadership of the APC as weak and unprincipled.
This did not go down with the ruling party.
Reacting to Sagay’s comment, the APC national publicity secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi accused the PACAC chairman of describing President Buhari – who is the leader of the party – as weak.
His words: “In the said interview, Sagay described the leadership of the All Progressives Congress (APC) as the most unprincipled group of people who are encouraging and accepting rogues in the party.
Sagay said: “When I say ‘rogues’, I don’t mean stealing. In literature, when you say someone is a rogue elephant, it means people who are running riot and destroying the party.”
“The Webster dictionary defines ‘rogue elephant’ as 'one whose behaviour resembles that of a rogue elephant in being aberrant or independent.” Clearly if we have today, anyone in our government or, by extension, the party who feels accountable only to his own ego; who does not feel the need to bridle his tongue for the sake of anything that is higher than himself; who feels independent of everyone and every institution; that person is Professor Sagay.
“Asked by the interviewer if he would stop speaking if the President asks him to stop speaking, he said: “Yes, he is my employer. If he tells me to stop talking, I’ll stop talking. But I have certain rights too that I can exercise in addition to that, because I’m not going to be in a position where I am impotent. So, I must obey him, but I can go beyond that and obey myself too. That’s it.” 
“Framed in another way, what Sagay is saying here is that, no matter what is at stake, he would rather resign than obey the President if the President tries to restrain him. This is the quintessential rogue elephant behaviour. 
In his sheer arrogance, he forgets that it is impossible for him to call out the leadership of the party as “weak” and “unprincipled” without indicting the President, who is the leader of the party and has the fundamental responsibility to build the party.
“If Sagay had any iota of respect for the man who dug him back from inevitable oblivion and puts him in a position in which he now feels superior to everyone, he would channel his opinions and advice to the President on how to make the party stronger and more principled. It appears however that Sagay does not have anything constructive to say about anything. He only knows how to tear down and assault everyone and everything.
“We want to remind Sagay and all other appointees of our government that the only reason they occupy their current position today is because the APC won the election. There is, therefore, a matter of honour to show decorum and respect for the party and its leadership. You cannot love the fruit and hate the tree that produced it,” he added.
Recently, the PACAC chairman revealed that every Nigerian Senator earns N29.5 million per month and N3.2 billion per annum.

Source: www.pulse.ng

RESTRUCTURING - MEMO TO AREWA AND APC By Bala Muhammad

Arewa Follow-Follow! For that is what we are, or have become. Oodua and Ohanaeze have since beaten us to it! Well, as they say ‘better late than never’, the Northern States’ Governors Forum (NSGF) met the other day with Northern Traditional Rulers to chart a way for Arewa on the current restructuring agitations. We hope other kindred spirits such as the Arewa Consultative Forum(ACF), Northern Elders Forum (NEF) and Ahmadu Bello Foundation (ABF) and even those Arewa Youths of October 1 are carried along.
The Oodua States led by Afenifere and its sidekick OPC had since sat and risen with resolutions for what they want. Individual states among them have published their own submissions. Needless to say, Ohaneze and its militant arms MASSOB and IPOB were long on the road to restructuring, nay, secession, including the violent solution being presently enacted by one Nnamdi Kanu.
While the Ibos, if IPOB represents them (and it seems so), are keen on leaving the Nigerian entity, Arewa leaders - political, traditional, spiritual - are hoarsely shouting on us that this nation-state of Nigeria is unbreakable and our being together non-negotiable. Indeed, we have seen ‘non-negotiable’ in the way ‘Awusas’ are being hunted down, one motorcycle, one bus and one truck at a time.
For the Yorubas, we are fortunate that the Afenifere ilk are NOT the political leaders of the South West; they are only the tribal jingoists. In 2003, Obasanjo dealt them a severe blow from which they had hardly recovered when Tinubu dealt them the second upper cut (mahangurba) in 2007, and consolidated his coup with APC merger and Buhari election in 2015. Therefore, Afenifere is all talk (but what a voice); politics is in the hands of Tinubu and his ‘boys’.
The equivalent of Afenifere in the North is the ACF; OPC’s counterpart should be those green-scarf wearing Arewa Youths of the October 1 Kaduna Declaration. In the South East, IPOB is more than that. In this kind of political agitation, it is sad to say the South South is a non-starter, and that’s why the South East takes advantage to include them in Greater Biafra (even though they have their own rabble to deal with).
So, then, the Northern Governors have empaneled a committee on ways forward on this vexatious matter. Most skeptics fear that the committee, as well as the main body, can never go far enough in their recommendations for a way out - call the bluff of the others. They have the handicap of thinking that the Oodua and Ohanaeze threats are existential to Arewa. No. The threats are only a danger to the nation-state called Nigeria - Arewa had been there long before 1914.
Just before the NSGF convened on the issue, the country’s ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) also advertised a Call for Memoranda (Daily Trust Tuesday September 5 page 35) announcing in effect that it had constituted a “Committee on True Federalism with a mandate to review all the ideas…tc, and articulate and align the public position with the party’s manifesto and campaign promises.” The APC then proceeded to list thirteen topics on which it seeks memos.
Well done.
Thursday September 14, the APC came out (Daily Trust page 27) with a timetable for Zonal Consultations.
One fundamental step the APC must take is to prevail upon President Muhammadu Buhari to convene his own National Conference. Regional and Zonal Consultations will just not do. We need another National Confab to obliterate and annihilate the horrible Jonathan 2014 Confab Report. That’s the only way to shut up Afenifere and Ohanaeze.
So, for APC, as well as for Arewa when they come round to asking for memoranda, the following are suggestions (based on the APC’s 13-item list):
1. Creation/Merger of States: No new state should be created, forever. It is suggested that States and Local Governments should be abrogated, and the six GEO-POLITICAL ZONES shall constitute the new Federating Units (same as Oodua). Zonal Capitals shall be situated at a present state capital which approximates the geographical centre of the Zone (Gusau is perfect for the North West as Gombe is for the North East). In place of states, within each geopolitical zone, let every two million chunk of population, to the nearest two million, constitute a PROVINCE. Therefore, while the present Nasarawa and Bayelsa states may become just Provinces automatically, the present Lagos and Kano states may have multiple provinces each (based on the 2006 Census). Provinces could negotiate away (or in) their extras.
2. Derivation Principle: Let derivation be 20% instead of the present 13%. And it should include not only minerals but hydro and food and animal resources. And VAT should not all be in the name of Lagos. All banks and telecoms and other such workers should be taxed and the monies credited where they work and live. After all, they enjoy the roads and the water and the atmosphere and the peace.
3. Devolution of Powers:  Let the Zones be self-governing and take care of policing, prisons and other such. The Federal Government should concentrate on defence and finances and other national commonwealth.
4. Federating Units: As suggested in 1, the six GEO-POLITICAL ZONES shall constitute the new Federating Units.
5. Fiscal Federalism and Revenue Allocation: A future lean Federal Government should take 40% of all revenues; Six Geopolitical Zones 35%; and Provinces 25%. 
6. Form of Government: A hybrid is suggested. Let there be no more a single President; let there be a Presidential Council of six honourable people, one from each Geo-Political Zone. Each Member shall be elected from within the Zone and sent to the National Capital for a single six-year term. Chairmanship (earning, therefore, the title His Excellency, the President) shall be in rotation alphabetically by Zone (NC, SE, NE, SS, NW, SW) and by region (North, South) for a period of a single twelve-month term. Should a Member become otherwise incapacitated, or dies, a bye-election shall be held for replacement in the particular Zone for the period remaining. And if by that time the Zone is Mr. President, it will go to the next Zone and return to the bye-electee at the end of the tenure, to conclude their Zonal term.
7. Independent Candidacy: Yes, there should be.
8. Land Tenure System: There are too many killings in the name of land. Farmer-Herder and Communal Crises are increasing by the day. Land Use Act should be a matter of the Constitution and managed from the Federal Level with input from the Zones. (And just imagine; were the South East, which is land-challenged, bordering on ‘Awusa’-land, they would have said we took their land ab initio.)
9. Local Government Autonomy: There should be no more Local Governments. Zones should be autonomous. So should Provinces.
10. Power Sharing and Rotation: As suggested in 6.
11. Resource Control: As in 2. Minerals and other resources are owned by the hosting Zones and Provinces to the extent of 20% Derivation. The Federal Government should retain regulatory functions.
12. Type of Legislature: We can’t afford a bicameral legislature. A unicameral chamber to be called The National Assembly should suffice. There should be one representative per one million, to the nearest million. With the current population estimate of 180 million, there may then be a National Assembly of 180 members to sit part time. 
13. Any Other Matter: Yes, PMB should convene another National Conference. This time around, in the spirit of Change, let there be one representative per one million, to be determined by the National Population Commission and INEC. That’s fairness. That’s equity. And PMB should subject all decisions to a referendum.
And may Allah make it easy for the President and all of us.
 Source: dailytrust.com.ng

Political drama season: The Atikus in the APC, their rehearsed lines and reality

No, you are wrong. No one could have possibly predicted that political drama season would premiere with a serving minister endorsing another candidate in his sitting room over her principal, the President. She hasn’t claimed to be misquoted or ‘videoshopped’ and the president’s continued retention of her services has kept suspense at ice chill level. Are a select few privy to some existing agreement to step down after his first tenure or is he just playing matured statesman? Ratings are through the roof.
By virtue of her position as Minister of Women affairs, Hajiya Jumai Alhassan’s open support for Atiku Abubakar is a firm ratification of the failure and incompetence of President Buhari’s government. No one tells the smell of a husband better than the wife.
Things took a rather predictable turn from then on with Atiku capitalizing on that epic moment to say afterwards, the Buhari government had let him down .Now with the adrenaline at a controllable level,you get a chance to adjust moods and use a clear head.
Atiku’s theatrics aren’t top notch. As a matter of fact, the ‘Buhari has let him down’ speech had been prepared since 2015 just as it has been prepared for everyone to beat him in an election; primary or general. He is a political hustler who craves power and will go to any length to get it.
Before the next surge of excitement in the drama series of ours,we must seize this sober period to warn ourselves of the need to prepare well for the new season and what it portends. The need to remind ourselves that the chief protagonist and much heralded bearer of the torch of change has turned out the worst president we have ever had. We may not even have a country again come the next elections.Its that bad.
Every candidate will harp on the dismal performance of President Buhari and everyone will appear good but we must be most wary of those that helped sell him to us.For one, their sense of judgement is what they themselves drag into question when they tell us ‘Buhari has let us down’. What were those promises again? A Boko Haram annihilation in 2 months,a $1-N1 exchange rate,N5,000 monthly stipend for indigent citizens and free feeding for students in primary schools. All appeared unrealistic and that anyone would expect an unintellectual and philistine Buhari to come through on all that bearing in mind oil prices had been on a steady decline since 2014 doesn’t speak too well of those in the APC fold. A party who has been described as a more formidable opposition to itself than even the PDP by embattled lawmaker, Abdulmumin Jibrin.
That some are already clamouring for an Atiku presidency means the desperation to want to see this government leave could very well expose us to a certain type of vulnerability. The vulnerability of settling for anything other than the Buhari government and that might ultimately translate to settling for less like we did with it in the first place.
Atiku may capitalize on the fact that this administration decided against extending probes past the Jonathan administration to dare anyone to provide any proof of corruption against him but that won’t change what we know.
Though the Buhari administration may make any other before it appear indefectible, we know Atiku helped Obasanjo oversee a government Nigerians deserved more from and only fell out with him because of his presidential ambition.
We must keep our emotions in check,memories vivid and expectations sharp.Enjoy the drama but hold on firm to reality.
Source: www.thecable.ng

Umar Sa’ad Hassan is a lawyer based in Kano.
Twitter:@alaye26