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OPINION by Simon Kolawole: Can Maina be Buhari’s turning point?

To cut a long story short, Alhaji Abdulrasheed Abdullahi Maina came into national limelight in 2013 when, as chairman of the Presidential Task Force on Pension Reform, he was accused of perpetrating a fraud running into over N100 billion. The senate committee probing the matter invited him to testify but he refused — while regularly driving in and out of Aso Rock to demonstrate his closeness to President Goodluck Jonathan. Maina thought he was untouchable. The pressure mounted, senate issued a bench warrant and he soon ran out of the country, absconding from duty and getting dismissed from the civil service in return. The EFCC also declared him wanted.
Four years later — and two years into “change” — top officials of the Buhari administration arranged an elaborate scheme to bring Maina back to the country in a blaze of glory. He literally rode on a donkey to the shouts of “Hosanna” — if we are to believe his family, who claimed the “pension messiah” was actually invited back from exile to be part of Buhari’s Team Change. He was reinstated and promoted from deputy director to director instantly. With a little luck, he was well on his way to becoming permanent secretary. He could even become a minister, an ambassador or a governor. He could become president, why not? This is Nigeria, remember?
From all the memos that are now available in the public domain, Mr. Abubakar Malami, the attorney-general of the federation, Gen. Abdurrahman Dambazau, the minister of interior, and Mrs Winifred Oyo-Ita, the head of service, all participated one way or the other in formalising Maina’s reinstatement. How much President Muhammadu Buhari knew about this perfidy will continue to be a subject of speculation, but at least he quickly seized the moral high ground by ordering the sack of Maina when Premium Times, the investigative online newspaper, blew the lid. It is impossible to cut this long story short, but that is the tragicomedy in three paragraphs.
The Maina story illustrates everything that is wrong with Nigeria. Most of the ingredients for the underdevelopment of Nigeria are contained in the saga. One, wickedness in high places. After workers have served Nigeria all their youthful and productive years, they spend their old age chasing their pensions up and down. Some are owed years in arrears. The regular excuse is that there is no money to pay them. In retirement, they usually face critical health issues — high blood pressure, diabetes, heart failure and such like. And, what a pity, they will have no money for treatment. Yet their pension is their right. It is their sweat, their blood. But who cares?
A pension reform chairman is accused of fraud running into billions of naira. Yet he lives in opulence, too much for a civil servant. But who cares? He is well dressed, well groomed and handsome-looking, and allegedly owns the best of mansions and all manner of property home and abroad — while the old, ragged pensioners struggle in pain and in vain, day and night, to collect their entitlements. My heart melted the day I saw a picture on the front page of Nigerian Tribune many years ago: a pensioner had collapsed and died at a verification centre, and — with his shrouded dead body serving as backdrop — the rest pensioners remained glued to the bench waiting for Godot.
The question you would ask yourself is: why on earth would anyone born of a woman see the sufferings of these old people and remain heartless? Why would anybody deny these hapless pensioners their entitlements in that old age under the guise of “no money” while stealing, wasting and mismanaging the resources? It takes a conscience seared with iron to be so callous. It takes a wicked conscience to be frolicking and gallivanting while denying workers and pensioners the legitimate reward of their sweat. Any country that treats workers and pensioners with this wickedness can never make progress. I want to be contradicted with hard evidence.
Two, the Maina story tells the story of impunity. You mean a man declared wanted by the EFCC can confidently return to the country with the help of top officials of a government that claims to be fighting corruption? You mean the police and the Department of State Service (DSS) could provide security for the fugitive? You mean he could be promoted instantly? Impunity is well captured in Yoruba language as “tani o mumi?” That is, “who the hell can touch me”? There is this air among the Nigerian elite that they can do anything and get away with it. Nobody can touch them. They kill and steal and get medals in return. Impunity is the name of the game.
When President Buhari assumed office two years ago, I wrote an article, “The One Thing Buhari Must Do” (July 5, 2015). I said if the president would have just a one-point agenda, it should be an all-out war against impunity. In place of “War against Corruption”, I proposed “War against Impunity”. There would always be corruption, I said, as there is no corruption-free country in the world. However, what gives Nigeria the gold medal is impunity. Impudence. Effrontery. The audacity with which laws are violated and corruption is implemented in Nigeria is incredible. Any country practising such impunity can never develop. I want to be contradicted with hard evidence.
The third aspect of the Maina story that captures Nigeria’s underdevelopment is shamelessness. In a civilised country, in a country where people have a sense of shame, those implicated in the scandal would have resigned by now. I am not even suggesting that they should be sacked — that is another matter entirely. I am saying on their own, having let this country down badly, they should have left government. But there is no sense of shame in Nigeria. If we had shame, Nigeria would not be where it is today. Most of the people in government are shameless. Show me a country ruled by shameless people and I will show you a doomed society. I want to be contradicted with hard evidence.
When we discuss the underdevelopment of Nigeria, it is usually the story of wickedness, impunity and shamelessness in high places. It takes absolute wickedness to see the suffering of the people and not be bothered, and continue to loot and rape with impunity and shamelessness. I am forced to ask and ask again and again: who in government really cares about the plight of Nigerians? Across the length and breadth of this country, only a few states consider payment of salaries and pensions as priority. They would rather mould graven images or go for lesser hajj or build ultra-modern governor’s lodge than meet their basic obligations to the people.
Meanwhile, Buhari’s government is beginning to lose it — as evident in the incredible attempt to hold Jonathan’s “loyalists” responsible for the recall of Maina. It is getting ridiculous. For some of us who are not interested in the silly politics between PDP and APC but are more anxious about the progress of Nigeria, it would be most catastrophic if the Maina scandal ends up as a political game. No. This cannot be treated as politics. We are discussing the present and the future of Nigeria. PDP and APC can burn to ashes for all I care. We are discussing wickedness, impunity and shamelessness in high places. Both the PDP and APC have these vices in their bones. Nobody can fool us.

Maina and Malami could well be archetypes of the kind of characters that preside over the affairs of Nigeria, from federal to state and council levels. They are everywhere. But I find it most heartbreaking that President Buhari has watched this perfidy without plucking out the culprits and crushing them. The biggest credential Buhari brought to this game was his anti-corruption resume. But in his cabinet are many ministers who ordinarily ought to be in jail as we speak. Since Buhari cannot jail them, he can at least fire them and hand them over to the EFCC. But maybe we are asking for too much. The Babachir Lawal saga remains a low point for this government. What a shame.
I have not said Maina is definitely guilty. That is the job of the courts. However, the manner of his reinstatement clearly suggests something is not right. Something is horribly wrong with those who thought they could have gone away with such treachery in this day and age. What the hell were they thinking? By the way, every administration faces a turning point. It is the point where things tip over irredeemably, where opponents, neutrals and die-hard supporters come together. The widespread reactions to the Maina saga suggest this could be the tipping point for Buhari. Many Nigerians have been too accommodating and too considerate. They are being taken for granted.
I would, therefore, leave Buhari with these words: Mr. President, your government is falling apart. You need to act fast. You came to office with a promise to change the way things are done, to give us a new direction, to heal our wounds, to belong to nobody, to belong to everybody, to make Nigerians dream again. Mr. President, go back to your inauguration speech, the speech you delivered so eloquently on May 29, 2015 at the Eagle Square, Abuja. Read the speech again, word-for-word. Reflect over it. You renewed our hopes. You made us feel it was the dawn of a new era. It has become extremely urgent for you to retrace your steps. Tomorrow may be too late.

Culled from TheScoopNG

OPINION BY SIMON KOLAWOLE: Return, resume and resign?

If you believe in the evolution theory, you are most likely to believe that the loud calls on President Muhammadu Buhari to “return or resign” happened just like that. You would believe the campaign was a naturally occurring phenomenon generated from a single “cell” of discontent before acquiring a life of its own. But if you believe in creationism and intelligent design, you would believe the campaign was carefully put together, well funded and well executed to achieve other purposes than publicly stated. You would argue that the campaign is by no means an accident. As the Igbo would say, when you see an antelope dancing by the roadside, the drummer is somewhere in the bush.

In truth, the only option being presented to Buhari was resignation. To ask somebody who was under doctors’ care to abandon the treatment table and rush back to office is quite similar to asking him to commit suicide. Buhari had said, weeks ago, that he was feeling well and eager to return home but he would have to take instructions from his doctors. If his doctors said don’t return and the campaigners said he should return or resign, you could argue convincingly that he was given only one option — resignation. Convinced that Buhari was not healthy enough to return, the campaigners were indirectly asking him to vacate power.

Now that Buhari has returned (to the disappointment of many), I can bet that the campaign will not stop. It is a case of “return and resign” not “return or resign”. Why should Buhari resign? He is too sick to lead Nigeria, I am told, and since Nigeria is bigger than him, he should put the country’s interest first and just resign and return to Daura, his hometown, for goodness sake. His sickness, I am further told, has stalled the progress of Nigeria. Someone even said Nigerian institutions are crumbling because of Buhari’s absence, and there was this growing narrative of a cabal running rings round Acting President Yemi Osinbajo such that he was unable to get things done.

On Twitter Nigeriana, we were made to believe that the country was at a “standstill” because of Buhari’s sick leave. Not only did government grind to a complete halt, everything went haywire. No single major decision could be taken by Osinbajo in Buhari’s absence, they said. All the things that required the attention of Buhari since he left Nigeria on May 7, 2017 allegedly remained pending. Nigeria was about to fall to pieces. There was only one question I kept asking those propounding the “standstill” and “cabal” theory: what single directive has Osinbajo issued in Buhari’s absence that has not been obeyed? Nobody told me. I don’t know why people were hiding this from me.

By virtue of section 145 of the amended 1999 constitution, the acting president is empowered to exercise ALL presidential powers. Osinbajo had full authority. That is the law. It is not a favour. It is not a suggestion. And the Osinbajo that I observed was exercising these powers. He signed executive orders that were carried out by agencies of government. He signed bills into laws and the laws are legitimate, legal and constitutional — to adopt the verbosity of the “learned profession”. He swore in ministers and assigned portfolios to them. He made appointments into agencies and nobody stopped him. This is not how power vacuum works. Correct me if I’m wrong.

What’s more, he appointed permanent secretaries and swore them in. Nobody stopped him. On top of it all, he ordered service chiefs to relocate to Borno state and I didn’t hear that they disobeyed. So where is the famous power vacuum? Okay, maybe I missed the point. Someone asked me the other day if I sincerely thought Osinbajo could reshuffle the cabinet and appoint new ministers. I said yes. He said: “Simon, you are deceiving yourself. Keep lying to yourself.” He didn’t know that I was not deceiving myself: Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, as acting president in February 2010, actually reshuffled the cabinet. But asking Osinbajo to dissolve the cabinet just to prove he has the power is nonsense.

Let me now explain the way I understand power vacuum. In November 2009, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was flown out of the country on medical emergency. He did not transfer power to Jonathan, his VP. On previous medical trips, he did not transfer power either. In fact, his adviser on national assembly matters, Senator Mohammed Abba Aji, had told PUNCH, in an interview published on January 29, 2009, that the president “is not required by the constitution to write the Senate… The President is elected for a four-year term that includes every second of every minute of that period, whether he is asleep, on vacation, on leave or on a trip to the moon”.

As a result, Jonathan could not sign the 2010 appropriation bill into law. After a prolonged drama, some people travelled with the budget to Saudi Arabia and returned to announce that Yar’Adua had signed it. As the tenure of Chief Justice Idris Kutigi was coming to an end in December 2009, there was confusion on who would swear in his successor, Justice Aloysius Katsina-Alu. Jonathan believed it would be illegal for him to do so and did not want it challenged in a court of law. Kutigi had to swear in his successor. That is what you call power vacuum. We witnessed it first-hand as Jonathan declined to take so many critical decisions because power was not transferred to him.

Compare and contrast that experience with what obtained when Buhari was in the UK and you would have to wonder where the “standstill” idea was coming from. Buhari did a proper letter to the national assembly and said he did not know when he would return. What else do we want? Buhari has been accused of so many things — but I have never heard anyone accuse him of not delegating power to his deputy. In fact, his weakness, we were once told, is that he over-delegates to his deputy. And if Osinbajo had to consult with Buhari over some key decisions, how is that a problem? Were they at war? Are they rivals or partners-in-progress?

For the record, I was not against the “Resume or Resign” agitations. People have a right to voice their opinions. Nobody should be persecuted or molested for their views. It was wrong for the police to attack them. And the comical pro-Buhari protests were childish. Even a fresh idiot could see through the charade. But even if the “resign” movement was playing a political game, political games are legitimate in democracy. If PDP supporters are asking Buhari to resign, that is allowed in politics. It is no treason. APC came to power by demonising PDP, and PDP has every right to play a return match. APC is only getting a taste of its own medicine.

Meanwhile, if those under fire for corruption are joining the campaign to force Buhari out, that is also okay. Who wants to go to jail? If those who have lost out in the political equation want to see Buhari’s back, that is enlightened self-interest. Perfectly in order. My amusement, though, is that many people were tricked into the “resign” game without understanding that there is another game within the game. They thought it is a case of evolution. No, it is intelligent design. There is a growing coalition against Buhari for different motives. Buhari has stepped on too many powerful toes and forced too many powerful people to vomit what they illegally swallowed. It’s payback time.

The major lesson in this saga, though, is the issue of absentee presidents. How long can a president be away? The Yar’Adua impasse led to the amendment of the constitution: even if the president does not transfer power, the vice-president automatically becomes acting president after 21 days. The constitution cannot envisage everything, but experiences such as this can help in making the laws better. With the Buhari experience, I think our democracy is growing. The nation kept functioning in the president’s absence. Osinbajo did a good job. Buhari, in the national interest and for the sake of his health, should continue to give his VP a free a hand. Nigeria first, always.

Simon Kolawole is the founder and CEO, www.thecable.ng

(Source: www.thecable.ng)