It’s one of the ironies of the times that
those getting the worst deal from retirement savings are the most vulnerable –
the people that the scheme is supposed to help.
Stories about pensioners dying in long, waiting
lines have moved from front pages to obscure spots, yet we’re often confronted
with news of incredible stealing by public officials managing pension savings.
After months in hiding, former chairman of
the Presidential Pension Reform Task Force, Abdulrasheed Maina, returned to the
crime scene, hoping that we would have moved on from the allegation that he
pocketed N2 billion from the fund.
Maina was an assistant director, Works,
Customs, Immigration and Prisons in the Pensions Office when former head of
service, Stephen Oronsaye, recommended him to former President Goodluck
Jonathan for a job.
Highly connected, Maina is the grandson of
Mai Ali Dogo, the Emir of Biu (1920-1935) and his late father, Abdullahi Aliyu
Biu, was an ambassador to Mali. But these were not qualifications for the
pension job, which was clearly beyond him.
Asking Maina to head an inter-agency team on
pension reform, which comprised senior officials from at least five other
agencies – and whose job was to straighten out the pension system – was like
inviting a carpenter to perform tooth-extraction.
So, this carpenter came with his chisel and
hammer to finish the bloody job that charlatans before him had started.
Maina had no business going near the pension
fund and if his appointers had bothered to look, they would have found enough
wreckage in his own life to warn them.
As an assistant director – the lowest rung in
the directorate in the Federal Civil Service – he was heading a small unit,
under the supervision of at least two other cadres of directors.
He was on a salary of between N150,000 and
N200,000 monthly; and even if he added every naira from his side hustle, the
best he would have hoped for was a small apartment in the suburbs of Abuja and
a neat tokunbo car.
But that would have been another Maina.
Abdulrasheed Maina still managed to live the life, apparently, from the sweat
of pensioners pining away from unpaid entitlements.
This Maina, a third league director, paid $2 million cash to buy a house in Abuja. And it has now come to light that the $2 million property was only one in his collection of houses. As a fugitive, he escaped, not to his village in Biu, but to Dubai – that haven of princes – where he stayed for many months, plotting his triumphant return.
This Maina, a third league director, paid $2 million cash to buy a house in Abuja. And it has now come to light that the $2 million property was only one in his collection of houses. As a fugitive, he escaped, not to his village in Biu, but to Dubai – that haven of princes – where he stayed for many months, plotting his triumphant return.
When he assumed office on a 30-month
appointment to sort out the perennial pension mess, one of the major contracts
awarded was for the emplacement of a biometrics system to cater for the
estimated seven million plus registered pensioners, whose savings have been
raided over the years in the name of “ghost workers”.
Maina actually claimed that he substantially
cleaned up the system and exorcised the ghosts. He claimed that his committee
recovered over N280 billion for the government, which was handed over to former
finance minister, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, who in turn handed it over to former CBN
governor, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi for the treasury.
He claimed that he blocked loopholes in
police pension, which had allowed officers to cream off N1 billion monthly and
he actually carries around a hefty cheque stub to prove his claim.
He insists that he is, alas, the innocent
victim of vested interests, including politicians, led by former Senate
president, David Mark, who waylaid him in the National Assembly, demanding his
head on a saucer.
His story hardly passes the smell test, not
because it may not contain grains of truth, but because his own lips are
shimmering with oil from the spoils. The unnamed persons he is pointing at are
not blameless; but while he is pointing one finger at them, four are pointing
back at him. It’s a case of who got a bigger share of the pension pie.
I’m surprised that President Muhammadu
Buhari’s special assistant on prosecution, Okoi Obono-Obla, an otherwise
reasonable man, is talking as if Nigeria owes Maina an apology for the expose
by PREMIUM TIMES that led to Maina’s removal this
week.
If the government was not ashamed to
reappoint a man on the EFCC’s wanted list, pay him salary arrears and move to
promote him again, because he has not been convicted of any crime, we may as
well ask Diezani Allison-Madueke to return and help tidy up the mess in the
NNPC.
This is one shambles too many.
To be sure, pension asset have grown over the
years, especially since the Pension Reform Act of 2004, which widened the
pension net, expanded the market and established better regulation. Pension
asset have also increased by over three-fold since 2009 to nearly N7 trillion,
with over N480 billion invested by fund administrators.
But the gains have been in spite of multiple
scandals in public sector pensions, and the growing misery among public sector
pensioners at federal and state levels. Virtually all those who were supposed
to ease their pain have ripped them off. A labour union president, one Ali
Abatcha, even faced a trial over a N2.7 billion pension fraud.
In 2013, a former director of Pensions Account in the office of the Head of Service was accused of offering a Senate committee chairman at the time N1 billion to look the other way in a pension scandal being investigated by the EFCC.
In 2013, a former director of Pensions Account in the office of the Head of Service was accused of offering a Senate committee chairman at the time N1 billion to look the other way in a pension scandal being investigated by the EFCC.
The investigation followed reports that civil
servants had, over the years, creamed off N159 billion from the pension fund.
That was not all. In a ruling that showed
that forlorn pensioners were still on a long way to hope, an Abuja court
sentenced one of six federal officials accused of making away with N33billion
of police pension fund to two years in prison, with the option of a N250,000
fine.
This scandalous ruling was, among other
things, also a parable to Maina at the time of his appointment that he, too,
could game the system and get away with a light touch. Yet, his restoration
through the backdoor was more than he could have bargained for.
He’s been complaining since his removal,
threatening to name names and to tell all. That is precisely what we need: to
get Maina to tell us the full story about how an assignment to reform the
administration of pension turned into a personal gold mine.
Buhari’s government of change cannot stop
with removing Maina. With comparisons between Buhari and his predecessor,
Jonathan, becoming worryingly shrill, failing to follow through quickly on the
outcome of the presidential investigation into Maina’s second coming, can only
further damage his government’s reputation.
It was, to say the least, shocking that the
attorney general of the federation and minister of justice, Abubakar Malami,
and the minister for interior, Abdulraham Dambazau, whose offices should have
raised the flag, actually held the system at gunpoint to reinstate Maina, while
the head of service and custodian of the rules, acted as a willing accomplice.
Coming one week after the face-off between
the minister of state for petroleum resources, Ibe Kachikwu, and the GMD of
NNPC, Maikanti Baru, on the ugly state of affairs at the NNPC, the Maina expose
is another test of the vital signs of Buhari’s government.
Taking out Maina and letting the kingpins go
unpunished will not only embolden others; it will give the dangerous impression
that the anti-corruption war is finally on life-support.
And just after the head scratching on the Kachikwu-Baru
saga, and lingering questions about Babachir Lawal and the delay in the release
of the findings on the $43 million Ikoyi money, Buhari will struggle to
convince the public that the heart of his anti-corruption war is still beating.
Speed kills but in the increasingly perilous
highway of Buhari’s cabinet, delay kills even faster.
Azu Ishiekwene is the MD/Editor-In-Chief of The
Interview and member of the Board of the Paris-based Global Editors
Network.
Original piece via PremiumTimesNG
Original piece via PremiumTimesNG
No comments: